The copy of the image from the Chamber of Wonders of Archduke Ferdinand II (1529-1595), local ruler of the Tyrol, probably dates back to the year 1576. The small-format portrait (11.5 x 9.5 cm) of Elisabeth was most probably copied from a large-format portrait which has gone missing. The original from the years 1535-45 is from the court painter of Emperor Ferdinand I^[1], Jakob Seisenegger (1505-1567). The artist said that he had, among other portraits, also painted the portrait of the 'fool' Elisabeth at the court of Emperor Ferdinand I and Queen Anna in Prague (1543-1545), and this from memory. 'I painted his and her majesty on two boards and also, from memory, her majesty the 'fool' Elisabeth, I received 40 guilder' (Kenner 1894:110)^[2]. This circumstance leaves space for speculations. Why did Seisenegger create a portrait from memory, a so-called memory image? The 'natural fool' was definitely part of the environment of Queen Anna of Bohemia and Hungary.

Anna Jagellonica, who was to become the heir of Bohemia and Hungary, was promised to a grandson - of Emperor Maximilian I when she was a child. Emperor Maximilian had planned a double wedding to secure the territorial claim towards the east. In 1515 Anna's father Wladyslaw II made an arrangement with Emperor Maximilian but without the permission of the Estates of Bohemia and Hungary. Finally, Anna got married to Archduke Ferdinand I on 26 May 1521 and her brother Ludwig II married Ferdinand's sister Maria from Habsburg in 1522. In 1526 King Ludwig II of Bohemia and Hungary died in the battle of Mohacs against the Ottomans under Suleiman I on 29 August 1526.

Therewith the right to inherit the Bohemian crown, which was conditioned by the marriage with Anna, was handed over to Ferdinand I. He was crowned King of Bohemia and Hungary in 1527. In the meantime, Queen Anna had to stay in Linz because of the unstable political situation. The first child, Elisabeth, was born in Linz, while the elder son Maximilian II was born in Vienna on 31 July 1527. Just one year later, on 7 July 1528, Archduchess Anna was born in Prague. The year after, Queen Anna was again forced to settle down in Linz. On 14 July 1529 Archduke Ferdinand II was born, he is the second son of the Bohemian-Hungarian King Ferdinand I and Anna. King Ferdinand I later became Holy Roman Emperor in 1531. Hirn (1885) writes that in the same night as the baby was born, there were thundery showers and this was a welcome sign for the astrologers. They could announce a happy future for the newborn. This special moment was a contrast to the critical situation in which the king was at that moment (cf. Hirn 1885, 1).^[3] The children were born shortly after each other, about one year apart: Marie in 1531, Magdalena in 1532, Katharina in 1533, Eleonore in 1534, Margarete in 1536, and Barbara in 1539, Karl II in 1540, Helena in 1543 and Johanna in 1547. It can be assumed that the permanent pregnancies were very strenuous and limited the life of Queen Anna. She often complained in letters to the Prince bishop Bernardo Cles of Trent about the boredom at court and the absence of her husband (cf. Bauer 1912, 400).

The permanent danger of Ottoman wars in the east of the empire meant that the family of King Ferdinand I, the brother of the sitting Emperor Karl V, had to change their residence frequently. Especially Vienna was in danger because of the expanding Ottoman Empire. Hirn (1885) writes that during those difficult days (in 1529), when Vienna was trembling for the first time because of the assailing Turks, Ferdinand was left in the lurch by his brother Karl because of the war with Franz I. So Ferdinand moved between his different hereditary lands to at least get some help from there in order for the endangered city, which was an important eastern fortress of the occidental Christianity and culture, not to fall prey to the great Suleiman (cf. Hirn 1885, 1).^[4] This danger coming from the 'multitudes of half moons' (the Turks) was not averted until 1571 when there was the victorious Battle of Lepanto.

The territorial palace in Innsbruck was the secure residence of the royal family from 1535-1543. The children of Emperor Ferdinand I and Anna of Bohemia, including Maximilian and Ferdinand, were thus raised in the Tyrol. The two archdukes did not receive private tutoring at home 'but they went to a school, this meant they were together in one area with a number of other royals from different countries...' (cf. Hirn 1885, 8) ^[5]. The general education was good and was in three different languages, namely German, Latin and Bohemian. The historian Hirn described the life at court in Innsbruck as not exaggeratedly luxurious. The court life was fully expressed at the Prague Court (1543). The brothers were educated in different orbits and in 1544 they received their own court. Maximilian was chosen for the Spanish court circles, while Ferdinand was introduced to the Bohemian cultural area (Kulturkreis).

Anna, who was the one-year-older sister of Archduke Ferdinand II, married Duke Albrecht in Munich in 1546 and all the family was present at the wedding. Hirn describes that 'the Bavarian wedding was the last time the family would all be together, because as early at the beginning of 1547, on 27 January, Anna of Jagellonica died and left behind her husband and her children' (cf. Hirn 1885, 11).^[6]Queen Anna was well known for her religiousness, charity and wisdom. She spoke Latin, Czech, Hungarian and German. Shortly after their marriage, Ferdinand announced her chairlady of the privy councillor together with the bishop of Trieste. She is said to be the author of the scripture 'Clypeus pietatis'. Anna of Bohemia and Hungary (1503-1547) gave birth to 15 children. Queen Anna died when giving birth to her youngest daughter. With the death of the Queen "'he family circle of Prague was torn apart. The outbreak of the Schmalkaldic war and the related riots in Bohemia called the king and his son to arms and the daughters to escape to Innsbruck.' (cf. Hirn 1885, 11f.)^[7]. In 1546 Archduke Ferdinand II took part in the religious war against the evangelical duke, this war was led by the Archduke's uncle Emperor Karl V. In 1547 the empirical catholic league won the Battle of Mühlberg and the war ended. The same year, Archduke Ferdinand II was entrusted with the governorship of Bohemia and had orders to represent his father and the House of Habsburg.

After this short historical outline there are some further questions regarding the life at court and the possible sphere of influence of the 'naive dame named Els'. Did Anna's husband King Ferdinand I do something against her boredom which she wrote about in personal letters? Could it have been that she was accompanied by a 'natural fool'? If yes, what was the relationship between these two women like? What happened to Elisabeth after the sudden death of Queen Anna? Can the symbols and emblems be read in connection to the personal destiny of the two women? Is Elisabeth as a natural fool maybe connected to the tradition of 'memento mori', meaning in remembrance of death and mortality? Is the memory picture maybe an individual remembrance picture? Or was she shifted into the centre of representation as a curiosity or natural fool.

The second model for the small-format portrait of the foolish Elisabeth from the fund of the Chamber of Wonders of Archduke Ferdinand II of Tyrol could have been the painting which Ferdinand's elder sister Anna, Duchess of Bavaria, owned. An inventory was taken of it and it was titled: 'Portrait of a naïve woman named Els who accompanied King Ferdinand's wife'.^[8]The original portrait at the Prague court has to be differentiated from the layout of the image in the portrait galleries at the court of Archduchess Anna of Bavaria and Archduke Ferdinand II of Tyrol. The portrait collection was established for scientific purposes and was not an arbitrary establishment but a well-elaborated 'modern-organised enterprise' (cf. Lhotsky 1941-1945, 187). Whenever there was the opportunity, new portraits were purchased. Written petitions document the purchase of papers in small formats. In 1576 there was a first attempt to reduce large format portraits to small formats. The small format of 24cm x 33cm turned out to still be too large, therefore the measurements were reduced even further in 1578. The miniature portraits were made in oil painting on impregnated paper (cf. Kenner 1894). 'Ferdinand aspired and already possessed many portraits before he came to the Tyrol and he also established a small and manageable gallery' (ib. 1941-1945, 187)^[9]. His various contacts to Germany, Italy but especially to the royals in Bavaria and Moravia were crucial for the purchase of the models.

The sphere of influence at the Prague court, which was gradually converted into the permanent residence, has to be taken into account because Archduke Ferdinand II, who resided in Prague until 1567, kept in touch with the Prague court. A part of the Bohemian and Moravian aristocracy temporarily lived at the court of Archduke Ferdinand at Ambras Castle. This resulted in a close and mutual network between Prague, Vienna and Innsbruck. Ferdinand of Tyrol always tried to specifically arrange the 'catholic' axis at reunions. He made plans for marriage alliances, for example in 1574 the wedding between Wilhelm of Rosenberg and Anna Maria Margravine of Baden. 'Marriage with a catholic-minded noblewoman created a relational basis for the strengthening of the political and religious axis between Innsbruck, Munich and the residence of the chief burgrave of the county Český Krumlov.' (Bucek 2005, 426)^[10].

Close relations were maintained and alliances between the courts were established which generally stabilized the clerical restoration. During this time, Bohemia was especially infiltrated by Protestant elements. 'The attempts of the Bohemian classes were oppressed for decades by the events of the year 1547 and the so-called 'bloody regional parliament' (cf. Hirn 1885, 15)^[11]. King Ferdinand I appointed his son Archduke Ferdinand II to be the governor of Bohemia and assigned the task of implementing the execution of sentences to him. In his function as the governor of Bohemia Archduke Ferdinand II then attached great importance to the religious questions which were not at peace since Jan Hus from Prague who was burnt at the stake in Constance in 1415.

In 1564 when there was the division of the estate, Archduke Ferdinand II received Tyrol and Anterior Austria where he reigned as from 1567. In the course of his resettlement, Ambras Castle, which he transferred by gift to his first wife Philippine Welser, was extended. Most probably they already got married in 1557, but as they were not married within their social class, they had to keep their marriage secret at first. The bourgeois' children Andreas and Karl were excluded from the direct succession to the throne. The children received the names 'of Austria', Karl was entrusted with the margrave of Burgau and Andreas was announced cardinal and governor of the Netherlands. In 1576, Ferdinand II and Philippine's son Andreas was announced cardinal and the same year the marriage between Ferdinand II and Philippine was finally legalised by the pope.

The territorial and anti-reformation regulations by Archduke Ferdinand II and his personal efforts were more effective at first than the church internal measures. Hirn writes that 'Ferdinand was not satisfied with just taking care of the creation of the Catholicism in the agreed and legislative way but he also set a good example when it came to the acknowledgement of church sense and the fulfilment and observation of religious forms. The more eyes were on him and the more people wanted to follow him, the more effective he had to be.' (cf. Hirn 1885, 263).^[12] At the court of Ferdinand there was a rigid catholic attitude Devotions were compulsory and pilgrimages were often an important part of the archduke's efforts to set a good example to strengthen the Roman Catholicism. The very much catholic character of the court of Ferdinand was also perceived by third parties. In addition to the vigorous conversion efforts of Ferdinand, there was also a gradual return to God and a recovery in the religious circles, which can be ascribed to the establishment of the Jesuit colleges.

The establishment of the Jesuit school in Innsbruck was a wish of Emperor Ferdinand I. The discussion about the establishment of the Jesuit order in Innsbruck was led by Petrus Canisius, who established the first Catholic catechisms. The construction of the Jesuit College began in 1562 and it was finished in 1573. In 1567, the convent in Hall was established by Magdalena, Margarete and Helena, the sisters of Archduke Ferdinand II. None of them ever got married. The archduchesses of Austria were brought up in a devout and divine way, a tradition of the family. The archduchesses requested that the Jesuits were to be appointed to Hall in 1571 to take over the pastoral care. The Jesuits were seen as special advocates of the counter-reformation. Their main tasks were carrying out the ongoing spiritual training, being in charge of the regular receptions of the sacraments and forcing the Adoration of the Virgin Mary.

Virgin Mary was 'announced the Patron Saint of the union' (cf. Hirn 1885, 278)^[13]. The archduke emphasizes his intentions to make the counter-reformation one of the priorities of his governorship with hymns of praise for the Queen of heaven, religious dramas and songs. (cf. Hirn 1885, 340). New chapels were built for this purpose. For example in 1578 the Lady Chapel was constructed next to the court church. The chapel is also known as the 'silver chapel' and was the burial place for Philippine Welser and Archduke Ferdinand II. Another one of Ferdinand's foundations which was dedicated to the Virgin Mary in 1589 was the pilgrimage church Loretto in Hallerau. During the pilgrimages, the devotion to the 'holy blood' in Seefeld had great significance. 'The local ruler walked from Innsbruck to Seefeld together with his wife and sons. It was a five hour walk and they were followed by 2000 people, including the court servants and the councils of the cabinet and second chamber' (Hirn 1885, 267).^[14]

Archduke Ferdinand II of Tyrol regularly visited the pilgrimage sites in Bavaria and the Tyrol, in 1573, 1576 and 1584 he visited the Church of St. Mary in Altötting. (cf. Hirn 1885, 267). There is a clear close connection to the court in Munich and the portrait gallery. In 1894, Dr. Friedrich Kenner wrote about the history of the portrait collection of Archduke Ferdinand of Tyrol and that the collection was mainly influenced by Munich and Dresden. 'The portrait probably emerged in Ambras and Munich (...) because the person figured played a certain role in the childhood memories of the archduke and his younger sister Anna. Anna became the wife of Duke Albrecht IV (V) in 1546.' (Kenner 1894, 110)^[15]. Kenner speculated that it was a memory picture which was connected to childhood memories. Yet, how does this personal image fit into the series of the portrait gallery? Does the concept of the collection reflect a special order? What where the criteria for the design of this whole art collection?

The hierarchic layout of the portrait collection was clearly structured with the help of the colour-coordinated inscription. The classification can therefore be deduced from the inscription. 'The pictures of the family tree of the emperor and the members of the house, as well as the emperors and kings have golden-coloured inscriptions under the German portraits. The imperial princess, the hereditary nobility and the clergy have mainly silver-coloured inscriptions and are differentiated from the celebrities who had inscriptions in oil-based paint; while court jesters and miracle persons, who were not part of the social order, again had silver inscriptions' (ib. 3)^[16]. The systematic classification is represented through different colours. However, the miracle persons and court jesters, whose portraits also had silver inscriptions just like the hereditary nobility, were excluded from this. Can equality be assumed here? Or has this equivalent utilization of the same inscription colour a deeper meaning?

The silver inscription in the upper left part of the portrait of 'ELISABET STVLTA' (foolish, naïve Elisabeth) is the only indicator for her so-called 'mental derangement'. The Latin notion Stultitia means foolishness, which in Greek is named Moria. The antiquated notion of foolishness described the inferior side of naivety. A fool was said to be a person who acted foolish due to dullness. Children and fools were described as innocent because of their foolishness. Children have the opportunity to not only grow up but also gain more wisdom in the course of their lives. However, this is impossible for a fool. They will stay a fool for life.

The fool was embedded in the 'divine plan of healing' and was part of the intransigent medieval Christian structure of order. The idea of 'Ordo' was reflected at court where court jesters had their permanent place. 'But all men are vain, in whom there is not the knowledge of God: and who by these good things that are seen, could not understand him that is, neither by attending to the works have acknowledged who was the workman' (Wisdom 13,1)^[17]. In the Book of Wisdom the fool is said to be someone who does not understand God but is still close to him. According to this description, people with disabilities or learning difficulties were called 'natural' fools. The 'artificial' fool on the other hand, was someone who denied God. Denying God was said to be blasphemous. Originally, the word is the term for a 'blasphemy' that is to say the public derision of certain beliefs of a religion. Literally, the word blasphemy means 'to harm, 'to handicap' or 'the call'.

Edgar Barwig and Ralf Schmitz deal with the history of reception of fools in their article 'Fools, mentally ill and people at court'. They create a connection to the "prophesying" fool, which probably derives from the antique cultural heritage. Mönkemann carefully formulates this traditional line: 'The origin of the court jesters reaches far back into the oriental ancient times when insane persons were highly respected because of their crazy talks which were worshiped as divine afflatus. This was the only way for social superiors to commit the serious crime of saying the truth. In the middle ages people resorted to this.' (Mönkemann cited in Barwig/Schmitz 1994, 234).^[18] The question of the origin of the proto-fool has not yet been verified. A continuous traditional line from the ancient world to the Late Middle Ages cannot be proven. Nevertheless, there is the question whether 'it was the ancient tradition of the "Morionen^[19]"which was recaptured in the middle Ages, or whether there were miraculous reasons or whether there was simply the interest for the extraordinary which made sovereigns have court jesters?' (cf. Barwig/Schmitz 1994, 234)^[20].

Metzger examines the phenomenon 'fool' on the basis of fine arts. He point out connections which are not anchored in our conscience. The illustrations of the Psalms are the iconographic starting point. These "sources with own meaning", in chronological order, as Mezger describes, (cf. Mezger 1981, 7) give important information. Mezger puts forward the thesis of the 'non-ethical' fool (ib., 9) becoming a sovereign. 'This idea matches the spirit of the middle Ages, when people used to think in opposites. In the sky, the moon belonged to the sun and on earth, the night belonged to the day, at the church portal, the synagogue belonged to the Ecclesia - likewise at court, there had to exist the "sapiens", the wise council, and the "insapiens", the fool court' (ib., 9).^[21] The court jester is conceived as 'backward-looking' and a denier of God, a typological opposite antithesis to the sovereign who is seen as the 'prefiguration of the upcoming' (ib., 16) of the eternal Kingdom of Christ.

Metzger describes this relation as 'typ and antityp' (ib., 15), which becomes an individual topos from the 13th century onwards. In the beginning, they are opposed to each other like in a formula: the fool is the completion for the wise. The strict concept of the fool being complementarily opposed to the wise David or Salomon becomes more and more unstable. At the beginning of the Middle Ages, the constellations turn around and the fool becomes a 'warner' and 'messenger of Vanitas'. 'The more the fool was understood as a messenger of evanescence on the evening before the modern age and the more he was suspected to have a prophetic gift, the more he distanced from the original role of Stultus' (ib., 45)^[22].

In the humanistic and reformatory philosophy the 'foolish' is brought into a worldly context. On his way across the Alps, Erasmus of Rotterdam wrote 'The Praise of Folly'. The literary figure of the fool becomes the epitome of the pedagogic warning in the beginning of the 16th century. Sebastian Brant's 'Ship of Fools', which was first published in 1497 in Basel, became a role model. 'The Ship of Fools' was republished again and again in rapid succession. The interpretation of the figure of the fool becomes more and more moralising and reformatory.

In the course of time, the allegory-like biblical typology of the figure of the fool turned into a systematically differentiated classification. From the mid 15th century in great parts of Europe typical characteristics of the fool developed. The tight colourful costume, mostly red and yellow, the poulaine, the little bells on the belt and on the other parts of the costume were typical attributes of a court jester. In the standardised representation of the figure of the jester, the things that stand out most are the dog-ear cap, the toothed cockscomb and the quirk. All in all you can see that the costume of the jester is similar to the 'mi-parti' fashion of the gleemen. The vagabonds performed as jesters and entertainers.

The dresses of the gleemen were very often provocatively red, this colour predominated the colours green and blue. In general, colours were used to separate and represent the status. According to Mezger, red and yellow are "not very honourable colours" (Mezger 1981, 18). Especially the colour yellow was legally deprecated. Outcast, whores, Jews and people suffering from the plague were stigmatized with symbols and colours. They also used little bells attached to feet and clothes, these corresponded to 'the medieval custom to equip the outcast with acoustic signals' (Bergmann 2004, 53).

The eye-catching clothes, the entertaining function of travelling performers, acrobats, jugglers, dancers, magicians, grimaces, fortune tellers, legend and fairy tellers, poets and musicians, but also quacks (doctors), faith healers and their kind have things in common with jesters. To conclude, it can be said that the common classification of the attributes of jesters mentioned above are similar to the jester in literature known as 'artificial fool'. This classification of the 'figure of the fool' has been common since the 14th century. At the end of the middle Ages, it was fashionable to have 'artificial fools' next to 'natural fools' at the court. However, can these generalised classification be applied to the portrait of the 'natural fool' Elisabeth?

'Do I not show clearly enough on my face and forehead the child of which spirit I am? Anyone willing to show me as Minerva or Wisdom would have to be convinced by the opposite by just seeing my face, because even without any evidence it is an unmistakeable mirror of the soul. There is no imagination with me and you can always see what I am thinking."'(von Rotterdam 2006, 9). Does the portrait of Elisabeth not show clearly enough on the face and forehead of which spirit she is? Looking at the expression on her face, one cannot say that Elisabeth has a clearly childish character. Her wandering and upturned gaze rather more seems detached from the world. Her wrinkled forehead shows a kind of tension and her sagged cheeks and pulled back chin do not represent the image of a light-hearted woman. Is this a way of representing emotional distress? What can be interpreted through her physiognomy? Are these facial expressions in the 'Portrait of Elisabeth' characteristics for a certain type of impairment? What kind of constitutional type does her physique represent? Could the physiognomy of that time give us more information about her character?

Archduke Ferdinand of Tyrol 'clearly recognised the scientific importance of the portrait collection' (cf. Lhotsky 1941-45, 186). Lhotsky stressed the archdukes' scientific interest in this sense and tried to find the possible motives: 'Was it the demand of his historiographers for illustrative material or the wish to enable a physiognomic study?' (ib., 187). The idea of the portrait was to 'bring the character of the portrayed person to light' (cf. Sporschill 2006, 62). Was the likeness of Elisabeth material for scientific research? Did they want to document a certain kind of cluster of symptoms?

'Phenomena which are understood as learning difficulties nowadays used to be seen as sanity disturbances (defectus animi) or as brain diseases' (cf. Barwig/Schmitz 1994, 226)^[23]. The theory of the four humours used to explain these mental illnesses (lat. Humores = humours). The absence of or imbalance of the four humours, namely blood, phlegm, yellow bile or black bile results in a disorder which can be mutually mental, psychological or physical. 'The idea of the cosmological integration of humans created this body interpretation of the four elements, namely water, earth, fire and air. Water corresponded to phlegm (brain), air corresponded to blood (heart), fire corresponded to the yellow bile (liver) and earth corresponded to the black bile (spleen or testicles)' (cf. Bergmann 2004, 46)^[24].

The four humours correspond to the four elements, the four ages in life and the four seasons. Other qualities which corresponded with the four elements were: moist/warm, moist/cold, dry/warm, dry/cold. Further correspondences could be found within the medieval theory of the four temperaments: blood was related to the sanguine person, the phlegmatic person had an excess of phlegm, the choleric type had an imbalance of the yellow bile fluid, and the melancholic type was said to be affected by the black bile. The theory of the four humours suggested that illnesses were caused by the dominance of one humour. 'Indisposition and pain were interpreted as an expression of an imbalance of the mixture of the humours (dyscrasia)' (ib., 46). The four humours had to be in accordance with all the other humours for the healing to be successful. Furthermore, one could be relived from suffering if they turned to the supplicant Mary or a responsible saint. 'These ideas were adopted and improved by important medieval doctors (...), whose therapeutic approaches however did not only refer to external somatic areas, but also to psychological sensitiveness and the cosmological position of the patient' (cf. Edgar/Schmitz 1994, 227).

The galenic theory strongly influenced the medical reports and advices made for Archduke Ferdinand II. Ferdinand's personal physicians diagnosed a disharmony of the humours. 'Although Archduke Ferdinand was well-built and physically strong, he was in frail health when he was an adolescent. He suffered from dizziness, neurasthenia, headaches and heart palpitations. In general, he suffered from melancholia and these illnesses often interfered with his political actions' (cf. Auer/Irbich 1995, 86). According to Doctor Brassavola (1529-1576) Ferdinand's irritated skin and his early baldness were signs of a heated character. 'Brassavola suggested a healthy diet and a regular and quiet day and night in order to avoid kidney stones and podagra' (cf. Auer/Irblich 1995, 86).

The German word 'Tor' has different meanings; one of them can be fool, the other gate. If we analyse this word, we can see numerous connections which should be taken into account. The word 'Tor' can be interpreted in a wide etymological connection. Drosdowski describes the etymology of the German word 'Tor' as follows: 'the Middle High German noun "tore" is actually a nominalised adjective, the "r" derives from the old 's' (cf. Drosdowski 1989, 74f.)^[25] The expressions such as 'dusslig' (stupid), 'dösen' (snoozing) which means 'sitting around thoughtlessly and half asleep' derive from this word (ib., 74f.); it described the apathetic condition of lethargy, apathy, lacking excitability and high sensibility towards external stimuli. Looking deeper at the language origin, a connection to the root word 'vapour' can be found. 'The Germanic words "dösen" (snooze), "Dunst" (vapour) and "Tor" (meaning fool in this context) show the connection to the fogginess of the senses and the mind.' (ib., 140)^[26].

From the 16th century onwards, the meaning of foolishness seems to be expanding in different facets. There is an interesting connection to death when looking at the word from a linguistic point of view. The evanescence of the strengths used to be seen as a natural process of dying and this is expressed through the adjective 'dead'. It described the condition of 'being in a daze, becoming unconscious and fading away.' (ib., 748) and belongs to the word group of 'vapour'. In many cultures death is not the definitive end; it is just the door to a different world which was imagined as 'a world with demons, trolls and ghosts' (cf. Bergmann 2004, 48). In order for humans not to have a direct connection to the empire of the dead, demons and other beings, it was vital for the human beings to keep to the rituals and procedures. Individual, bigot patterns of behaviour were designed to keep the effects and consequences in balance.

The relation between the German word 'Tor' and death is documented in the 'memento mori'. In the 15th century, the figure of a fool and death had the same meaning for the same 'vanitas', evanescence. In the context of the vanitas-imagination and in the form of all mundane vanities, the fool is presented as death dressed up and with an hourglass. 'The court jester as a living indication of the vanitas' (cf. Mezger 1981, 35). Fools were considered to be the admonishers of evanescence, finitude and near death. Widespread deaths were probably the reason for the creation of the new type of fool in the form of death.

During the Little Ice Age in the 13th century, there were many crop shortfalls due to bad weather conditions, this lead to the increase of food prices and to starvation. Agricultural crisis and epidemic plagues were always present. 'The religious interpretation of phenomena such as earthquakes, floods, thunder, lightening, hail showers and plagues as signs of God's anger and the threat of the end of the world approaching could not be kept up because the catastrophes went on and on. The apocalyptic explanations rather more caused an even greater feeling of insecurity. Especially Catholicism did not manage to appease the dominant fear and anxiety through their religious organisation' Bergmann explains (cf. Bergmann 2004, 97). Fear and anxiety concerning divine punishment was omnipresent and this lead to the formation of complex defence mechanisms which were expressed through individualised forms of piety and bigotry. The religious behaviour, their pious views and their actions in relation to god should work as an example and at the same time have the effect of turning away from fate. During the 16thcentury especially the culture of 'pious views^[27]' (cf. Roper, 1995) was preached in order to receive the grace of God. With the help of preaches, on the one hand the fear of death was transformed into a religious fanaticism and on the other hand the internalised piety led to potentiating fear and delusion, expressed in the witch craze, in pogrom and in the feat of a Turkish invasion.

The omnipresent fear of death led to a direct madness. The symptoms of delusional imagination were said to be caused by a disturbed relation to the real world. Individually as well as culturally increasing types of madness appeared, such as psychotic episodes, depressions, extreme acts of violence and melancholia. Michael Foucault explains this phenomenon in his book 'Madness and Civilization: A history of Insanity in the Age of Reason'. He explains the different ways of dealing with multiple near death experiences by demonstrating the dance of death. He describes the transition from the dance of death to the idea of foolishness.

Death is shown in different ways. The diversity led to an overlapping of foolishness and death. The original ambivalence of the fool as a symbol of evanescence and exhortation to humility moved into the background.

Dress and jewellery codes were important signs to show which class one belonged to. Dress codes were regulated by authorities. Sophisticated dress codes signalised which working group, which social class and which sex one belonged to. 'Small differences in the kind of clothing indicated which class one belonged to and expressed ones self-consciousness. These were inevitable necessities of the society of the early modern times, reinforced through numerous dress codes.' (Geppert 2006, 27).

In some parts of Europe, wearing exquisite jewellery, striking accessories and long trains was a taboo, especially for burgesses. This dress code was already introduced during the 15th century. However, it was not until the 16th century that a strict dress code was introduced by the authorities and was executed by the police. In 1530 at the Reichstag of Augsburg, a wide range of new regulations was introduced; these were then renewed in 1548. In 1551 King Ferdinand I supported the order of the yellow badge for the Austrian hereditary land. This discriminating dress code was imposed on the marginal groups depending on the region. The sphere of influence of Archduke Ferdinand II also included a dress code policy (Hirn 1886, 492): 'Clerics should not overdress, officials and their wives dress according to their class, aristocrats are allowed to wear velvet, silk and fur, except sable fur, clothes with gold and silver linings are prohibited for all; aristocrat women are allowed to wear dresses with pearls, gold and silver scarves not broader than 1/1 ell and other things (ib., 492). This means that women should not wear too pompous dresses, headbands, accessories and jewellery were reserved for the aristocracy.

Can the dress code reveal the social prestige of the natural fool Elisabeth? Furthermore, the question is whether there is a special reason why she is wearing such valuable jewellery. The individualization during the modern times was expressed through details. The luxurious jewellery which Elisabeth is wearing is very prominent. Her blouse is buttoned up to the top and over the blouse she is wearing two gold pearls which are attached to a black string on both sides. Furthermore, she is wearing a prominent golden-coloured curb chain. The black string with nine gemmed rings stands out. Could the number nine indicate nine months of pregnancy? The number nine was believed to be the number of perfection and completeness, as it was considered as the divine triple triad or Trinity. The nine rings could also correspond to the nine spheres, which were adapted from the works of Platon.

Similar to the dress codes, the hairstyle also expressed certain court conventions. Long hair was fashionable during the late middle ages. During the transition to the 16th century, however, it was a taboo to wear one's hair loose. Married women had to hide their hair under a bonnet. In general, wearing a bonnet as a head covering was very popular in the court society during the Renaissance. Elisabeth is wearing such an opulent embroidered bonnet which also ties together her white hair in a hairnet at the back of the head. How can the portrait of Elisabeth be interpreted looking at these conventions?

Buttons and other embellishments were already known in the 13th century and from the 14th century onwards these became increasingly popular. Before buttons were used, laces and brooches helped to close clothes. Before the button whole was invented, clothes were usually laced at the back or on the side. When looking closer at the button-like embellishments, can any figures be identified? In the bordure of Els dress you can identify a silver trimming which probably shows a kind of grimace. Masks were used as ritual illustrations of animals and gods long before then already. Animal masks generally had an apotropaic character. They had the function of averring a calamity from the person wearing the mask.

The term mask derives from Arabic and means nonsense, teasing, jest. A mask hides one's 'true' face, protects and transforms the person wearing it into an illustrative figure. The covering up of one's face with a mask is often interpreted as the embodiment of secular lust. Masks were very popular in the trivial tradition in the Tyrol. The autobiographical description of Emperor Maximilian describes this wearing of a mask. The so-called jousts on horseback and donkey back were especially popular. The jousts were interrupted by dance performances. Musical interludes, costumed theatre and dance performances were a popular amusement at the royal courts. Especially at big celebratory banquets and weddings, special costumed dress ups were used to amuse everyone. The participants were asked to show up wearing a mask.

What could be the meaning of the comb on the right sleeve of Elisabeth's clothing? Mythologically, the comb is a female symbol and was used for personal hygiene. The care of one's hair was especially important, because nice hair was a symbol of power. The combs were usually made out of ivory and had a liturgical, ceremonial relation. The comb reflected vanity, especially in the roman-catholic theology vanity belonged to one of the seven deadly sins. Vanity distracts the mind of a person from God and towards oneself; during the time of reformation vanity was a crime. Fools personify vanity because of their self-reference and remoteness of God. The comb had a negative connotation in the reformative fool tradition because it was a sign of vanity. Can a clear relation between the comb and cockerel be established here? Could the cockerel also open a different level of interpretation?

Many churches in Europe have a cockerel on the spire indicating which way the wind is blowing, so-called weather vanes. The religions meaning of the cockerel becomes clear when looking at the 'Passion of the Christ': 'Before the cock crow, thou shalt deny me thrice' (Matthew 26,75)^[29]. According to the gospel, Saint Peter does deny Jesus out of fear of being persecuted. The cock crow does not only remind us of the denial but above all of the prophecies of Jesus. The cockerel announces the passion of Christ and also was seen as a reminder of Christian believe - do not turn according to the wind, rather be a rock which is faithful to its Christian believe. Is the fool Elisabeth shown as reminder of 'vanitas' in a Christian relation? Could the other symbols maybe also be related to this religious transformation?

The symbol of the hart is often interpreted as the salvation by Christ. In the psalm, the hart in its royal appearance is described as looking for a spring of water: 'As a hart longs for flowing streams, so my soul longs for you, O God' (Psalm 42,2)^[30]. Acts of the saint tell stories about encounters with deers/harts with a crucifix on their antlers, such as in Saint Hubertus^[31]. The hind, however, is often related to the Virgin Mary. The pre-Christian tradition attributes the deer and the moon to the goddess Artemis/Diane. The immaculate goddess of hunting and of the moon is interpreted in relation to Mary Immaculata (lat. Immaculate, unblemished). According to the dogma of the church, Mary will conceive in an unblemished way, because she is the mother of God.

The proud deer/hart belongs to the images of a salvific time. 'Then shall the lame man leap as a hart, and the tongue of the dumb shall sing' (Isaiah 35)^[32]. Matthew linked to Isaiah and wrote good news: 'Go and shew John again those things which ye do hear and see: The blind receive their sight, and the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, and the deaf hear, the dead are raised up, and the poor have the gospel preached to them. And blessed is he, whosoever shall not be offended in me.' (Matthew 11, 5-6)^[33]. Is the salvation-historical aspect connected to the natural fool? Are the miracles of recovery and healing, yes even of resurrection reflected in faith?

When looking closer, one can identify a donkey and a swan on the left sleeve. The donkey, which the viewer can see on the left sleeve, could be connected to the natural fool because in colloquial language a donkey is often described as stupid or stubborn. Even today the swearword donkey accuses a person of imperfection. So-called learning difficulties are often overcome with the help of poems and mnemonic rhymes, in German these are described as 'donkey bridges'^[34].

'Eselsohren' literally meaning 'donkey ears' was another relevant attribute of fools. During the 15th century obvious illustrations connected to this fact existed, above all in the 'Ship of Fools' by Sebastian Brant. However, 'donkey ears' also characterise characterize heretics and in general stand for the heresy of atheists. In the light of the remoteness of God, the fool is illustrated with donkey ears during the middle ages. Erasmus von Rotterdam introduces the mythological level and describes the donkey ears as 'Midas ears'. These stories date back to the 'metamorphoses' of the often received work of Ovid. Hence, donkeys making music are often a symbol of foolishness and dullness. In this sense, the donkey is an allegory of the 'stultitia gentilium' of Judaism (mount of the synagogue).

The main thought is the connection to the theological interpretation of the 'folly of the cross' (Torheit des Kreuzes). Considering the religious dimension, Jesus himself is the fool who is riding a donkey on his entrance to Jerusealem. In the bible, the donkey is described as a symbol of persistence, patience, abstinence?, obedience in four different scenes: the Nativity (cf. Isahiah 1, 3 and Habakkuk 3, 2), mount of the Prophet Bileam (Numbers 22, 23-24), as a mount for Mary when fleeing to Egypt (Matthew 2, 3-33), as well as for Jesus when he enters Jerusalem (Matthew 21, 1-11). The events of the salvation history were popular enactments during the 13th and 14th century in the Tyrol. Palm donkeys^[35] made out of wood accompanied the Palm Sunday processions;, this is still common in Thaur near Hall in the Tyrol, for example. The donkey is connected to the explanation of the gospel.

It seems as if the donkey is following the swan in gallop. If it really is really a swan, then the interpretation could be connected to the reformation and counter-reformation. The forerunner of the Reformation Jan Hus, from Prague, was executed in 1415 during the Council of Constance for being a heretic. Before he was burnt at the stake he apparently said that today they were roasting a goose, but that tomorrow a swan will resurrect from the ashes. In theCzech Republic Hus is symbolized as a goose and Luther as the resurrected swan.

The dragon-like or bird-like composite creature on the left sleeve of Elisabeth's blouses could be interpreted in connection to the image programme of the apocalyptic woman, because the Revelation says: 'and the dragon stood before the woman which was ready to be delivered, for to devour her child as soon as it was born. And she brought forth a man child, who was to rule all nations with a rod of iron: and her child was caught up unto God, and to his throne' (Revelation 12, 5)^[36]. Since the ancient history, the image of dragons fighting was used for politics. Snakes and dragons have a similar meaning. 'And the great dragon was cast out, that old serpent, called the Devil, and Satan, which deceiveth the whole world: he was cast out into the earth, and his angels were cast out with him. And I heard a loud voice saying in heaven: Now is come salvation, and strength, and the kingdom of our God, and the power of his Christ: for the accuser of our brethren is cast down, which accused them before our God day and night. And they overcame him by the blood of Lamb, and by the word of their testimony; and they loved not their lives unto the death. Therefore rejoice, ye heavens, and ye that dwell in them. Woe to the inhabiters of the earth and of the sea! For the devil is cocme down unto you, having great wrath, because he knoweth that he hath but a short time.' (Revelation 12, 7-12)^[37]. In the Apocalypses of John, the snake as a symbol of paradise mutated to a dragon. Dragons are often used as a synonym for snakes (lat. 'drac' or Greek 'drakon'). Literally it means gaze or the gazing person. Lilith, Adam's first wife, is described as a snake which is said to have seduced Eva. The snake of paradise re-emergences in the apocalypses. In the old Mesopotamia, Lilith is the daemon of child fever and appears in several texts. Usually she is illustrated with wings.

In everyday speech, composite creatures are often described as monsters. They cannot be directly attributed to one animal. The illustration of dragons, toads and snakes were considered special curiosities. Bird-like composite creatures with a shell or as a combination of different animal bodies and heads were often represented in mythology and described as fabulous creatures. They stimulated people's fantasy in the modern times in a kind of special way. The so-called Basilisk could be one of these mentioned creatures - a fabulous creature which stimulated the imagination of human beings in a special way. 'In the allegoric language of alchemists, basilisk meant philosopher's stone' (Petzoldt 1990, 31)^[38]. The basilisk appears in different emblems, on houses and illustrations in the form of fabulous creatures, such as lizards, cockerels, snakes, dragons. These hybrid creatures which could not be clearly attributed, appeared in various different cultural areas. The Roman poet Plinius the Elder wrote that the basilisk was a lizard which had a light patch on its head in the form of a crown. 'In the medieval bestiary, the basilisk is often illustrated with a crown being worshipped by other snakes' (Pacher 1994, 62). The word derives from the Greek word 'basileus', which means as much as small king. Some sources say that the basilisk is the 'king of the snakes and reptiles'. It is said that the basilisk had an evil gaze,; everyone who looked at him had to die. Even his breath was said to be deadly and just like an intense fire it could destroy all the vegetation. The basilisk dealt out destruction, infertility and above all the pest everywhere. The basilisk is considered as deadly, his breath and his gaze could kill. The dangerous gaze could only be fended off with the basilisk's own reflection in the mirror. As a defence, many portals but also sacral buildings carry the image of a basilisk. 'Because of the belief that his own reflection would fend him off, there are fabulous creatures on breast walls of the main aisle. Their wild appearance should be like a barrier and protect from all bad ghosts that could harm the church.' (Pacher 1994, 62f.).

Looking at the left sleeve of Elisabeth a little closer, you can recognize a dragon-like animal or a stork, depending on the angle you look at the picture. If you turn the portrait 90 degrees, you can identify a basilisk with a crown. This visual illusion enables a more complex interpretation and allows different points of view: a reversible figure which due to the coloured shading shows different information depending on the angle it is viewed from.

Could the two riders on horsebacks illustrated on the outer garment of Elisabeth be interpreted in the sense of the apocalyptic vision? The apocalyptic texts and illustrations of the four apocalyptic riders were widely spread in the 16th century. In the sixth chapter of the Revelation of John, the apocalyptic riders appear as messengers of war, hunger, famine, plague and death. The interpretation of the four riders was in close relation to the experiences at that time: agricultural crisis, starvation and famine were major problems during the 16th century. The apocalyptic interpretation probably emerged in the context of the Ottoman Wars, the religious unrests and the widespread deaths. Could the symbols on Elisabeth's clothing have a defensive function? Can the defence and overcoming of crisis and conflicts be interpreted in a religious-magical relation?

The surcot of Elisabeth has red-golden yellow horizontal stripes. The accentuation of the horizontal lines and crossbars is relatively new in regard to costumes. 'The Gothic style of vertical lines towards the sky are not as popular anymore, horizontal lines dominate the clothings now; a repetition of the newly found level of the individual of the modern times' (Geppert 2006, 27). Different symbols can be identified on the maroon coloured stripes on the dress: the most prominent symbols are the four moons with faces, three of them are looking to the left and one is looking to the right. Two of the moons are flanked by riders on horsebacks and donkey backs, one coming from the left and the other from the right. The moon on the right shoulder is hardly visible. The yellow gold clothing of Elisabeth shows silver embellishments. The gold colour is an indication for the royal class or for divinity. The colour gold often represents the luminance of of the sun, whereas silver was seen as a valuable metal. The expensive silver was increasingly applied in a religious sense. A well-known example is the 'silver chapel' in Innsbruck which was built in 1577 by the architect to the imperial court, Hans Lucchese. Archduke Ferdinand II ordered this construction 'in honour of our dear immaculate woman'. The vaults and walls of the silver chapel in Innsbruck are decorated with 'winged cherubs and golden half moons on a red background' (Dehio Tirol 1980, 17). Certain similarities in colours can be identified in the horizontal stripes and the selection of the theme of the half moons. (Image: décor silver chapel).

Alexander Colin constructed both tombs. The lower gravestones is are made of marble. They show 'emblems of war and death and furthermore, 26 colour-coordinated emblems. The lower part of the wall is in white marble and shows scenes from the Archduke's life: the Battle of Muehlberg (defeated Duke Frederik?? Friedrich?? of Saxony kneeling in front of Emperor Charles V.), ordering of Ferdinand to the governor in Bohemia by King Ferdinand I., storming of a Turkish city (Korontha, 1556), battle piece from the Ottoman Wars in 1566 (Dehio Tirol 1980, 17). A half moon can either be a seen as a moon phase or an unspecific term for the iIslamic symbol of the sickle moon.

The sickle moon/ crescent can therefore be interpreted in two different ways: given the danger of the Ottoman Wars, the moon sickles it can be interpreted as a sickle moon symbolising victory over the Turks, or as a female attribute of Mary. In the bible the moon has an important symbolism. The moon can be attributed to John the Baptist, who announced the Messiah as the last Prophet of the old testament. Therefore, the moon is attributed to him and the Old Testament, whereas the the sun is a sign of salvation and the New Convent. So it can be said that in the typology, the moon stands for the old church (synagogue) and the sun (ecclesia) for the new church. In the Christian mystery of the sun and moon, the moon glows because it puts itself inside of the sun. The luminosity can only become transparent through the sunshine. From a theological point of view, it is said that the old church can only be recognised in the brilliance of the new church. In the 'mysterium lunae' the three moon phases (dying, fathering, birthing) are compared with the Ecclesia. 'The moon will shine like the sun, and the sunlight will be seven times brighter, like the light of seven full days, when the LORD binds up the bruises of his people and heals the wounds he inflicted' (Isaiah 30, 26). 'And the city had no need of the sun, neither of the moon, to shine in it: for the glory of God did lighten it, and the Lamb is the light thereof' (Revelation 21, 23).

The moon 'luna' has a female connotation and is personified in the form of Mary, whereas the sun is interpreted as male and is associated with Christ. Due to Mary's supernatural beauty she is compared to the sun and the moon in the Song of Solomon (the Song of Solomon 6, 10).

She is also described as the queen of heaven (lat. 'regina coeli'). On the former winged altar in the silver chapel you can also see on the left hand side a sun with a face and on the right hand side, a moon face above the head of Mary. In the middle, between the sun and the moon, god, embedded in clouds, is holding his hands wide open in the shape of a triangle open to the bottom. This artwork out of silver which was made by Anton Ort, the gold smith of the court of Archduke Ferdinand II, decorated the altar. Around the praying Madonna with two angels, there are 14 symbols of Mary: sun, moon, city, tree, closed garden, star, rose, fountain, Roman temple, gate with wall, seal, cedar wood vessel, water container, field flowers, tower of David, closed gate. On the predella you can see the reliefs of four apostles: Jude Thaddeus, Matthew, Philip and Bartholomew.

There is a new and unforeseen rise of adoration of the Virgin Mary in the countries ruled by the Habsburgs. The Madonnas and Mary columns and the creation of new miraculous images of the Virgin Mary expressed the religious renovation in the spirit of the counter-reformation. Mary was worshipped as the victorious matron who was especially related with the victory for the catholic liga in the Battle of Lepanto in 1571 over the Islamic fleet. Therefore, this character of Mary is often described as the victorious Mary. She personifies the victory over people of a different faith, namely Jews, Mohammedans, Protestants. Moreover, Mary represents the promise of the new church as the victress over death, Satan and heresy. Another form of the illustration of Mary developed from the jubilant Mary, namely 'Maria Immaculata', the immaculate Mary.

The Madonna on the moon sickle became a popular subject during the 16th century. She is standing on a downwards pointing half moon with stars. typological illustration of the Virgin Mother, which evolved from the visionary connection, namely the apocalypse of John. Since the last third of the 14th century, she appears as an art figure and since the mid 15th century she appears more and more often. Mary received the cosmic symbols and was incorporated in the celestial spheres. At Ambras Castle near Innsbruck, you can find a so-called image of enemel with the title 'apocalyptic woman' from the glass factory in Innsbruck, it is dated around 1570-90 (inventory number PA 1175). A Marian image on the moon sickle was also maintained from this time period at the Ambras Castle (inventory number PA 1167).

The idea of the apocalyptic woman was transported into the picture of the Virgin Mary shaped by the modern era. From a religio-historical point of view, the picture of the apocalyptic woman can be traced back to the cult of Isaiah of the Ancient World. The old church already interpreted the twelve stars as the zodiac, the sun as Christ and the moon as Mary. During the 16th century, the apocalyptic woman gradually changed into the apocalyptic Madonna. The apocalyptic woman is identified with Mary, in the Catholic tradition it is compared to the Ecclesia, the church. Due to the image of birth it experiences an apocalyptic transformation. An important sign in the guise of the apocalyptic woman appears in the sky: 'And there appeared a great wonder in heaven; a woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars: And she being with child cried, travailing in birth, and pained to be delivered.' (Revelation 12, 1). The woman giving birth is an important symbol in the cosmic tradition. In great pain, the apocalyptic woman gives birth to the child.

This aims at the connection between Eva and Mary, who as the new Eva conquered the original sin. The 'difficult birth'^[39] is often used as a metaphor for extreme hardship and distress, this feeling then changes into complacence after the labour pains.

Mary, in the role of Jesus' mother, becomes part of the salvation history. 'Blessed is the fruit of thy womb' is the privilege of grace of the Virgin Mary. In order to reinforce the status of Mary, she had to stand above all other women. Proof for this was the Immaculate Conception, which was a concept already defined in the Council of Basel in 1439. The Mariological interpretation of the apocalyptic woman clothed with the sun and standing on the moon, appearing in the sky/heaven is often illustrated in relation to the dispute and the testimony of the Immaculate Conception during the 16th century. The breakthrough of 'Maria Immaculata' was in close relation to the counter-reformational image propaganda. (Image: Madonna in the Silver Chapel)

Is there an approach between the fool and Mary? The portrait of Elisabeth does not directly stand in the tradition of the illustration of fools, this can be identified through the iconography. The fool played an important role in the humanistic and pedagogical preparation of the reformation, whereas Elisabeth is related to the catholic thinking during the counter-reformation. The symbols on her clothing can probably be interpreted in a religious-magical context of the counter-reformation. In general, the image programme allows relations between Elisabeth and the apocalyptic woman. The female association are is especially accentuated here. The origin is definitely deeper rooted in the magical thinking. This is documented in a short synopsis about the belief in miracles of that time.